1   Introduction

Environmental Conservation is Cultural Conservation.

"Tourism is a very dynamic industry. It is a goose that lays golden eggs if it is properly managed. Otherwise it also fouls its own nest." ~ (Chandra Gurung)

The present essay focuses on communities inhabiting Himalayan mountains, where tourism poses threats to sustainability due to a fragile environment and indigenous human culture. Nepal provides a number of interesting case studies. Eighty-two percent of an rising population in Nepal works in agriculture. The 1959 closure of Nepal/Tibet border destroyed traditional trade routes and induced migration from Tibet. Tourism is now seen as significantly contributing to the economy of Nepal. As many as Eighty- percent of 270,000 international tourists in Nepal could have engaged in some form of permit-based trekking in 1991, concentrated within the regions of Annapurna, Khumbu and Langtang Helambu.

External pressures can force mountain communities to overexploit their resource base for survival. A low resilience of mountains arises due to steepness, low temperatures and thin, young soils. The time scale of ecosystem recovery may be hundreds of years.

"The involvement of mountain peoples in Protected Area planning and management is especially imperative since they know how to live with mountains." ~ (Lawrence S. Hamilton, 2002).

The significance of culture for natural resource management is apparent in a diversity of cultures and subsistence strategies including multiple production zones, emerged as a response to the niche-specificity of mountains and the necessity to skilfully maximise production whilst at the same time minimising risk and conserving resources. Mountain cultures and environment are complementary, and in various stages of evolution (Shukadeb et al. 2001).

Based on principles of reciprocity, a kind of give and take with an animated nature parallels the reciprocal relations within the social sphere. Thus cultural dissolution into dominant societies will have consequences for the indigenous people's ability to manage a fragile environment. Agents of cultural dissolution include resource-extraction, market expansion, tourism, immigration and emigration and population growth.

However, mountain communities are among the world's poorest and most marginalised. Traditional economies suffer from unfavourable terms of trade (Mountain Institute, 2002). Traditional cultures of indigenous groups may be equally, or even more threatened than biological diversity (Byers, 1995).

2   Sustainable Tourism and Development

Decisions by many less Less developed Countries (LDC's) to place a high priority on tourism includes the willingness of the World Bank and others to fund projects. Tourism is viewed as an agent of regional development. Tourism to LDC destinations is steadily increasing (WTO 1995).

Most if not all forms of tourism could be, with application, 'sustainable tourism', e.g. Disney World. Sustainable tourism facilitates sustainable tourism development (Butler, 1980), but not necessarily rural communities. Alternative tourism (AT) represents a shift in focus from the well-being of the tourist industry to the well-being of the host community. AT is characterised as small scale and low impacts. Ecotourism, a subset of AT, has the natural environment as main motive for travel (Cater, 1994).

Trends exist towards synthesis of socio-cultural AT and environmental AT, as apparent in the community-based approach of Murphy (1985) to tourism planning. This approach offers potential for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity (Moutain-Forum 1998), as a means for retaining limited-use zones, with sustainable harvests. Ecotourism as “a practical and effective means of obtaining social and economic improvement for all countries... ” (Ceballos-Lascurain, 1991), offers more.

There is little extensive research on possible negative impacts (Singh, 1999). Where site-specific indicators exist, there is a difficulty in determining the extent to which tourism, as opposed to other forces, is culpable for any impact.

3   Case Study, Annapurna

Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACPAP):

4   Economic Initiatives

Outside donors met 50% of initial ACPAP costs. Local contributions in money or in kind of a minimum 50% of the costs of a project promoted serious initial intent and ensure long term community commitment. In Syabru Besi, Nepal, tourism activities declined sharply when financial support was withdrawn (Banskota, 1998b). Grants can jump-start ecotourism initiatives. With free money, there is often a tendency to rush into tourism projects without a sound business plan.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) provided loans to Nepal's KMTNC to develop micro-hydro electricity, campsites, and community lodges in the GKSEDP. Revenue-generating activities can repay loans. Loans were also provided to fund the development of trails, community drinking water, and waste management. Such activities enhance the experience for tourists but provide no direct benefits to the community, making these these loans difficult to manage. Grants may have been more appropriate for enhancing such public goods (Chandra Gurung (1998b).

Permit fees should be able to recover direct costs and indirect cost such as trail maintenance, preservation of religious and sacred sites, and even support for local schools where government support is inadequate.

ADB is convinced that increasing the economic benefits from (or attributable to) protected areas may be the optimum strategy to avoid jeopardising the viability of natural resource systems (McNeely, 1994). However, the strategy will only succeed where ecotourism does not appropriate the environment and human societies, subtly redefined as universal property, through the imposition of elitist management plans.

Combinations of grants, and NGO external assistance appear to be useful, if not essential to community initiatives. A royal trust proved effective in implementation of the ACAP because of its connections, autonomy from government, a uniquely Nepalese NGO (Wells & Brandon, 1992).

5   Case Study, Mustang

Upper Mustang Conservation and Development Project (UMCDP):

Upper Mustang was opened to tourism in March 1992, a government policy of incremental increase in order to offset pressure in established sites. Mustang's capital Lo-Manthang, is 10 days hard walking from the nearest road-head. There is no communication linkage. Situated in a rain-shadow, with short growing season and under snow for 4 months. 70% emigrate for trade during winter, leaving only young and old. Fuel-wood is scarce.

Trekkers were limited to 200 per year, compelled to join self-contained tenting groups and pay a fee of US$ 1000 per ten day trek. Fuel-wood was limited with a kerosene-only policy and tourists were required to carry waste out of Mustang.

In August 1992 the KMTNC was called in to identify needs and priorities. Time was spent establishing rapport with local people, and on environmental awareness activities, and UMCDP was established to develop infrastructure, build capacity and regulate tourism.

Pressure from the private sector: Unplanned Tourism Within two months of opening to tourism, lobbying by the tourist industry brought an initial US$1000 per ten day Mustang trek down to $700 ; expansion of a 200 persons per year limit to 400, and six months later to 1,000 tourists per year, in spite of perceived carrying capacities. Yet it was in response to such criticism that the ACAP was extended into Upper Mustang.

The Nepal government withheld money; only 41% instead of 60% promised given in 1992; this declined to 4.5% by 1997. Expectations of local people raised beyond realistic levels. Local people initially received no income (Shackley, 1996). Insistence upon self-contained tent treks employing non-local Sherpa and others incited local resentment, as revenues were negligible. Local people went in for quick money rather than long term returns.

Rules were set for tourists concerning fuel and waste, but not for porters and guides. With 4 staff per tourist on average, tourism has contributed to resource degradation and litter problems.

The number of horses kept has increased for hire to tourists, one of the few ways locals can profit from tourists. Numbers of yaks has declined. Horses are advised as pack animals, since they are (wrongly) advised to consume less of the rare food grains than porters.

Keeping horses introduces competition between men and horses for grain, where only 55% of local food grains are met by local production. The price of grain has risen by three times in four years, since the opening of Mustang to tourism. Horse cannot graze at higher pastures; under-utilisation of high pastures and rangelands, coupled with collection of dung for fuel from rangelands, which are not suitable for horses, will contribute to overgrazing in the vicinity of villages (Blamont, 1996).

The KTMNC lobbied hard not to open Mustang for three years. The rapid pace at which tourism was brought in without infrastructure development or proactive community planning and training led to problems. Creation of economic disparity has brought about social disharmony. Clearly the private sector lacked long-term vision. Government policies changed often.

An officer was required to accompany each trek to ensure no smuggling of valuable artefacts out of Mustang, and that a proscribed route is followed. This failed to continue.

Five international donor agencies in the UMCDP region have created problems with duplication, contrary methods and competition for community support. KMTC then led meetings with the government and these NGOs to improve co-ordination.

6   Case Study, Bhutan

7   Case Study, Ghale Kharka Siklis

8   Lessons From Case Studies

UMCDP Mustang, demonstrates how carrying capacities are difficult to gauge, frequently apparent only after they have been exceeded. Attempts to control visitation were thwarted because of lucrative revenues. Although a UMCDP work plan was drawn up, and infrastructure has been improved and established, the KMNTC had no well defined role, and was not authorised to enforce rules within the protected area. Development projects and licences were issued by the government without the knowledge of KMNTC. Overall responsibility for organisation and co-ordination of development activities remained in question, and for which the project suffered.

ACPAP is a fair example of deliberately planned AT designed to negate a boom and stagnation cycle, described by Butler (1980). However, increased tourist use of mountains also inevitably means increased biophysical and cultural impacts (Mountain Forum 1995). Zoning and regulation of a tourist region are essential for protecting the fragile environments and local culture ecology.

GKSEP demonstrates how community-owned enterprises may safeguard social cohesiveness. Decentralised co-ordination and control, as opposed to consensus and independent action, were key to success in terms of equity and social cohesion. This appears to negate formation of a local elite. Community benefits were achieved through trusts. Outcomes in terms of status of the cultural relationship to the productive land base is yet to be determined.

ACPAP, UMCDP and GKSEP together demonstrate how without local participation in the design of development activities, benefits are less likely to provide widespread community benefits.

9   Conclusion, Culture, Tourism and Natural Resources

The case studies under examination indicate that a favourable national or regionally co-ordinated policy environment is central to the success of community-based mountain tourism. They indicate the potential of a decentralised approach. An understanding of local ecosystem processes, the organisational mechanisms through which communities interact with their physical environments, social dynamics at both the household and community levels, and local priorities are crucial to external aid.

Planned tourism cannot itself safeguard a mountain rural community, except perhaps temporarily, as in the case of Bhutan. Tourism is potentially ruinous to cultural integrity and resource.

Equitable social improvements can be achieved through improved local infrastructure, by revenue sharing. Tourism can bring limited financial benefits and intercultural exchange if negative impacts can be avoided. To do so impacts must be considered in advance planning at a local level, in a principled way with deep appreciation of local culture.

Principles that focus on traditional stewardship roles of mountain communities, as opposed to external and distant control, appear particularly promising. Such thinking has been greatly assisted by Chapter 13 of the 1992 Earth Summit's Agenda 21, entitled “Managing Fragile Ecosystems: Sustainable Mountain Development,”

Any initiative to safeguard communities, must reverse existing processes of marginalisation of mountain cultures, and not exacerbate them. Appropriate technologies and capacity-building are essential.

10   Discussion, Cultural Integrity

There are signs the integrity of a culture in degeneration, and the examples which follow point to market forces, where, in addition to artefacts and practices, intrinsic values at at stake.

• Selling authentic and possibly sacred artefacts through desperation equals loss of culture, or because earning revenue is a higher priority equals devaluation of culture. Competition with cheap imitators lowers the value of original crafts where poor marketing skills exist.
• Culture is something that the people believe in implicitly; turning it into a pay performance, and it can no longer be believed in, in the way it was before. In effect this robs people of the very meanings by which they organise their lives (Greenwood, 1989).
• Where a small women's co-operative generates revenue that exceeds the combined income of all men in the village, for example, the situation is more likely to generate resentment than appreciation.
• Marginalisation occurs in terms of core-periphery relationships (highland - lowlands), and equity. A collaborative local elite reinforces the power of the local elite at the cost of wider community disempowerment (Hall, 1995). Of 56 larger trekking and travel agencies in Katmandu, 26 were controlled by Sherpas despite very small numbers (Robinson, 1994).
• Micro-enterprises can play a part in deculturisation through commodification; nature -based opportunities exist which may not have that effect. Alton Byers (1998), related the case of a Rai shikari (hunter) in Nepal who earned income from tourists as a naturalist after his hunting grounds were declared a national park. His many skills included the ability to call in several species of birds using grass blades, hollow reeds or whistles and identify the “thoughts” of a leopard by its pug marks.

11   Markets and the Resource Base

12   Degeneration and Safeguards